Being a christian in politics and public administration
Basic principles of catholic social doctrine
‘Faith without works is dead,’ as the Apostle James said (James 2:26). Anyone who hears the Word of God must also put it into practice (cf. James 1:22). Numerous New Testament passages point to virtues and all that is worthy of pursuit for a Christian.
But what does this mean in politics and public administration?
The overarching framework for this is the commandment of love for one’s neighbour, love not understood as a ‘feeling’ or ‘sympathy’ - which can, in fact, become a basis for favouring certain individuals and institutions and thus for injustice - but as self-sacrificing love, as commitment, always founded on truth. ‘What is truth?’, Pilate asked; he did so in order to brush the question aside with a shrug (John 18:38). Seeking truth in this sense presupposes that there is an objective reality, a starting point against which the admissibility or appropriateness of administrative decisions is assessed and through which justice and fairness are objectified. “Doing good and avoiding evil” - that is what it means to be a Christian, including in politics and governance. In a democracy, there is no politics without compromise. Many issues involve weighing up the options and seeking the right balance; in other matters, one must stand by one’s principles.
I BASIC PRINCIPLES
1. The fundamental principle
In Catholic social teaching, that fundamental principle is the absolute dignity of the human person. One must not intentionally kill an innocent person, for example to save an animal. Another related aspect is the common good. This naturally implies, amongst other things, that a law or administrative measure must be considered ‘in the broadest sense’, taking into account the rights and duties of every individual and the harmonious coexistence of all citizens.
2. Truth
“Without truth, love slips into sentimentality” (Benedict XVI, Encyclical Caritas in veritate (2009), n. 3). A particular situation may, for example, appear deeply pitiful, leading us to be inclined to go along with a suggested solution, but it is necessary to take a step back and move beyond the emotional aspect to consider how a particular ‘solution’ fits within the framework of justice and the common good of all. “The search for truth is an essential element of democracy, which in itself is a way of contributing to the common good” (Pope Leo XIV, Encyclical Magnifica Humanitas, no. 134).
Truth here means that something corresponds to objective reality and the nature of things. There are many more subjective conceptions of truth, ranging all the way to “something is true if I think so”. That might still be tolerable if someone were to treat their own taste as an absolute - “fish is tasty” - but when it comes to fake news, for example, it can become highly problematic. Truth then no longer serves as a fixed foundation and starting point, but becomes something determined solely by situations and circumstances. The search for objective truth is fundamental to justice.
3. The dignity of the human person
Within the Church’s social teaching, truth corresponds to the dignity inherent in the human person. This is, of course, sometimes difficult to determine, and answering that question leads to differences of opinion in the political and administrative spheres. What constitutes human dignity? What is required to protect it? The decisive factor here is how that dignity is defined. Some, for example, will prioritise the right to self-determination, and there are therefore those who say - or in fact believe - that a person’s dignity depends on the extent to which that person can determine their own life.
The Church’s social teaching rightly steers clear of these views. Dignity, as understood in the Church’s social teaching, is intrinsic to the very essence of being human. There is therefore no gradation in dignity depending on a person’s personal abilities or health, for example. If one were to accept such a gradation of human worth, the weaker and ‘disabled’ would lose out. Moreover, there is no authority - such as a civil government - which, from the perspective of the Church’s social teaching, may place itself above people and their dignity. Authorities and governments exist to serve people. The spectre of a government that ignores this is aptly captured in George Orwell’s *1984*. We have long since passed that year, but the spectre has not disappeared. Trends aimed at undermining the central role of human dignity in society are very much present. Moreover, there is a strong tendency never to think or plan from a firm foundation when drafting laws (cf. Pope Leo XIV, Encyclical Magnifica humanitas, no. 56; Pope Francis, Encyclical Fratelli Tutti (3 October 2020), no. 208).
The social teaching of the Catholic Church has always maintained that there are certain insights into the human person, that there is a truth about the human person which does not depend on one’s faith or on whether one is a Christian, but which one can arrive at through reason. It is from this that human rights derive their ‘firmness’.
4. A human being is a social being
It is therefore fundamental that the human person is, or ought to be, at the centre of every society, and that every form of organisation within a society serves this purpose.
Translated in Christian terms: the human person is the image of God (cf. Gaudium et spes 12). This serving nature of institutions within a society, in the service of the human person, is reflected in the well-known principle of subsidiarity.
However, it is not an individualistic view of humanity that is outlined here, but a social one: ‘human beings are ... social by their very nature, and without ties to others they cannot live nor develop their talents’ (Gaudium et spes, n. 12). Human beings are therefore naturally called to live together with others. At least in the sense that they need other people. This gives rise to two other principles of social teaching: the common good and the principle of solidarity.
5. Justitia
In 2009, Pope Benedict XVI published the Encyclical “Caritas in veritate” (Charity in Truth), and that title immediately captures the principle at the heart of the Church’s social teaching. “Charity in truth”: a principle that takes concrete form in criteria which guide moral action. We shall consider some of these criteria.
The minimum requirement of caritas, of charity, is justitia (justice). Ubi societas, ibi ius: there is no society without law. The law must guarantee justitia in a society. But this is a minimum: love transcends that minimum, even though there is no love without justitia (cf. Caritas in veritate 6).
6. Human Rights
It follows from the dignity of the human person that a human being has rights. Popes have therefore spoken highly of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) (e.g. *Magnifica Humanitas*, n. 54; Pope John Paul II, Address to the 50th General Assembly of the United Nations (5 October 1995), n. 2; IDEM, Address to the 34th General Assembly of the United Nations (2 October 1979), n. 7).
Human rights are inherent to the human person; they are not some sort of extra addition. Through the human rights that flow from the dignity of the human person, that human person becomes the foundation for laws and regulations in society. And because these rights are intrinsically inherent to human beings, they are inviolable. They cannot simply be ‘set aside’ for any reason whatsoever and therefore apply to everyone (Magnifica humanitas, nos. 54-55). It is therefore to be welcomed that, for example, greater attention has been paid to the rights of minorities (Magnifica humanitas, no. 57).
7. Absolute moral requirements or weighing up the situation
Of course, there are trade-offs to be made in this regard. There are choices that directly contravene the dignity of the human person and their rights. If a government permits the torture of refugees, this constitutes a direct violation of human dignity. This is unacceptable at all times and under all circumstances.
However, when making choices regarding policy decisions and other measures, weighing up the situation does play an important role. The situation is not simply black and white. Fundamental political choices, and also, for example, Christian convictions, must be put into practice in a concrete situation, in which various aspects need to be weighed up. For example, in the refugee crisis, the Christian response may seem to be that the Bible recommends love for one’s neighbour and also hospitality (cf. Rom. 12:13; Heb. 13:2; 1 Pet. 4:9). Caring for refugees and welcoming strangers (cf. Matt. 25:35; the parable of the Good Samaritan, Luke 10:25-37) are seen as positive things, but does this mean that we should not set any limits based on Christian conviction? No one would argue that hospitality must be boundless, without any restrictions. Concrete considerations and solutions cannot often be derived directly from a biblical passage or the Church’s social teaching. Much therefore depends on the issue at hand: a direct violation of human dignity is quite different from the practical arrangements for protecting that dignity.
8. The personal responsibility of politicians and administrators
As regards the latter and the political decisions associated with it: the Catholic Church recognises the personal responsibility of politicians and policymakers and does not wish to interfere with their freedom of opinion on the matter (CONGREGATION FOR THE DOCTRINE OF THE FAITH, Doctrinal Note on some questions regarding The Participation of Catholics in Political Life, 24 November 2002, n. 6) . It is not the Church’s role to offer specific political solutions or to declare that a particular solution is the best, but rather to set out the values on which such solutions should be based. When the Magisterium of the Catholic Church comments on matters of policy, it therefore concerns human dignity and the rights and principles (such as the fundamental principles of social teaching) that flow from it, or violations of that human dignity and human rights, but not specific political decisions other than those which directly violate people’s rights and their dignity.
The freedom of a Christian politician is therefore affirmed by the Catholic Church. This affirmation does not imply that every view of the human person is equally valuable and true; political freedom is much more about the fact that there are all manner of different situations in which one wishes to formulate policy on the basis of a Christian view of the human person.
Such situations call for careful consideration, and this may therefore mean that, starting from the same underlying Christian view of the human person, one may arrive at different conclusions (cf. Doctrinal Note, n. 3).
9. The Church and democracy
Democracy is the best guarantee of citizens’ direct participation in political decisions, provided that human dignity is properly understood and serves as the foundation of society (Doctrinal Note..., n. 3). Pope Leo XIII, Encyclical Diuturnum illud 1881 (Encyclical Collection, vol. 3, nos. 227ff.) and subsequent popes have stated that Church teaching is not opposed to democracy. Pope Paul VI stated (Octogesima adveniens 1971) that democracy best corresponds to Catholic social teaching. The principle of subsidiarity - which is, in fact, democratic - dates from 1931 (Quadragesimo anno).
Traditionalist groups which present themselves as Catholic but reject democracy and religious freedom do not, therefore, reflect a Catholic perspective.
II SOME SPECIFIC ISSUES
In conclusion, a few remarks on some specific issues
10. The universal destination of the earth’s goods
The universal destination of the earth’s goods concerns a fundamental right: land, water, air and natural resources are given for the life of all humanity (Magnifica Humanitas 65); it is important that the fundamental rights arising from this are protected, including through declarations, treaties and legislation.
11. Parents, upbringing and education
The natural right (and duty) of parents to bring up their children is an inalienable right, recognised by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (Doctrinal Note, n. 4); and “since they have the primary right and duty to bring up their children, parents must also have genuine freedom in the choice of school” (Gravissimum Educationis, n. 6, cf. n. 3). A school monopoly is contrary to human rights, as it disregards the right to an education in accordance with one’s own convictions. Freedom of choice of school is in accordance with the principle of subsidiarity.
12. Just war?
The concept of ‘just war’ (De bello iusto) has undergone considerable change. St Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274) once described this concept as follows: war is a last resort; violence must be proportionate, avoid unnecessary harm and be aimed at restoring justice (Summa Theologica II, sec. 2, q. 40, a. 1). This view has come under some strain. Not because it is no longer valid, but because wars have changed so much due to the use of weapons of mass destruction. In 1963, Pope John XXIII published the Encyclical Pacem in terris and emphasised dialogue, a path of justice and reconciliation. In keeping with tradition, he condemned total war. The Second Vatican Council condemned the arms race. It proposed striving for treaties that would banish wars and establishing a global authority to resolve conflicts. Whilst the Second Vatican Council was still in session, Pope Paul VI therefore visited the United Nations to call for a strengthening of the UN’s authority. “No more war!”, the Pope proclaimed there.
13. Respect for human life
The organisation of society is therefore centred on the human person. The fact that society serves people is a principle that both religious and non-religious politicians should be able to share. The right to life is therefore fundamental, a basic principle. A politician has a serious and clear obligation to oppose any law that threatens the right to human life from conception to natural death (Doctrinal Note, n. 4; Pope John Paul II, Encyclical Evangelium vitae, 73). In this regard, abortion and euthanasia are non-negotiable, as is the protection of the rights of the human embryo (Doctrinal Note, n. 4). But note this: there are laws that directly permit something, or even recognise as a right, which is in itself evil; and a Christian politician, acting in accordance with a well-formed conscience, cannot vote in favour of such a law; guided by his Christian conscience, a politician will not vote for a law that enshrines induced abortion as a right in the Constitution. However, there are also laws which, whilst tolerating an evil or not making it a criminal offence, do not in themselves condone it. This is the case in many countries with regard to prostitution. Something similar has also occurred with our Dutch abortion law, which contains a ground for exemption from punishment stipulating that inducing an abortion is not a criminal offence if a doctor performs the abortion in accordance with the rules laid down by the law. It was this kind of wording that persuaded some Christian politicians to vote in favour of the law, in the hope of thwarting a worse draft bill. The law was then passed in both houses by a majority of just one vote. Some Christian politicians have, understandably, struggled with their consciences over that vote for a long time.
A politician should therefore not support a law that permits euthanasia, abortion or experiments on human embryos, but this does not apply to a bill that restricts the scope of existing laws. A politician could vote in favour of such a bill in good conscience, even if, from a Christian perspective, the law is not perfect but merely limits the evil (Doctrinal Note, n. 4).
The situation is different still if a government were to decide to ban extraordinary medical treatments, which may be costly and only prolong life slightly. This can, if proportionate, be morally quite legitimate (cf. Doctrinal Note, n. 4).
Conclusion
There is, of course, much more to be said. I have almost exclusively referred to ‘Christians’ because today’s discussion concerns values and views that stem from a view of humanity which Christians can share across denominational boundaries.
Key sources from the Catholic Church remain: the Catechism of the Catholic Church and the Compendium of the Social Doctrine of the Church. For a number of themes, more recent Church documents are essential, such as Laudato Sì (2015) and Laudate Deum (2023) on the climate crisis, Fratelli tutti (2020) on the brotherhood of humankind, and Magnifica humanitas (2026) on AI. Also of interest is the speech delivered by Pope Leo XIV on 8 June this year to all Spanish parliamentarians.
Within the Catholic Church, the patron saint of politicians and statesmen is St Thomas More, who was always averse to making false compromises. For him, conscience was sacred. He himself was conscientious and true to his convictions. Pope John Paul II said of him that, through his life and death, he showed that one cannot separate a human being from God, and that one cannot separate politics and governance from morality. His life in the public sphere was dedicated to the human person, especially the weak and the poor (John Paul II, Apostolic Letter Motu Proprio Proclaiming Saint Thomas More Patron of Statesmen and Politicians, 4: AAS 93 (2001), 76). May Thomas More continue to inspire us; may he be an intercessor for us all.


















